Manual Inverting the Norm: Racially-Mixed Congregations in a Segregationist State

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Similar, if less spectacular, areas existed in other Natal and Transvaal cities. Visitors to this area were struck by the minarets and colonnades of the buildings, the sounds of temples and mosques, the reverberating clamor of Indian languages, the saris of women working in shops, and the accompanying smells of curries and spices. For more on the joint family system, see chapter 4. In the person of the shopkeeper, many Africans saw evidence of a foreign people settling in their land and gaining some measure of at least relative prosperity.

The majority of Indian shops in Durban which were sometimes little more than stalls operated with a small stock, probably experienced a very low turn-over, and survived by mobilizing unpaid family labor, especially that of women and children. Many Indian traders sympathized with their African customers, offering them store credit and selling a special meal of soup and bread or putu at cheap prices. Moya, Ilanga. The buildings of Grey Street developed a nearly iconic significance in this regard: a rumor circulated during the pogrom that the decapitated head of a young African boy hung from the dome of the Juma Masjid, the most visible Indian building in the city.

The experience of urban alienation and the economic hardships of the war years greatly intensified the longstanding resentments of many Africans. In some of their shops they single out Africans for contemptuous treatment. These sources recycle a litany of stock complaints, doubtlessly amplified through multiple retellings.

Indian store owners sometimes tried to segregate Africans from other customers. They allegedly overcharged Africans or manipulated the weight of bulk goods. They brazenly lied to them about available items, while sometimes selling desperately needed staples to others in full view. In this bagatelle constructed around prevarication and the manipulation of credulity, the Indian merchant provided a virtual emblem of Machiavellian intelligence and the frenetic vitality of urban existence and, arguably, a figure for the author himself.

Describing an Indian market district near the Sophiatown bus rank, Boetie granted its intensity, distinctive cadences, and base human passions near metaphysical significance:. This market is one place where I like to be. I could wander about it the whole day and never get tired or bored with it. The fruit stalls with their crafty looking owners, their high-pitched voices forever urging passers-by to examine and buy their fruit. This place is a symbol of life, guile and greed. Other descriptions sardonically praised Indian ingenuity in order to urge greater resourcefulness on the part of Africans.

In one column, Rolling Stone lauded the proliferation of Indian-owned stores and taxis boasting Zulu names throughout Durban. Celebrating the business acumen of Indian entrepreneurs, R. Indian customers in an African store! Begrudging admiration bled together with jealousy; both sentiments could coexist with frustration, even contempt, toward unsophisticated Africans drawn to such ploys. However much Dhlomo may have seethed at the legal advantage given to the Indian storeowner, the irony of these comments only worked if some Africans embraced devices like the patronizing signs outside Indian tearooms.

Another suggestion can also be discerned: the Zulu should be a bit more like the Indian himself. In previous decades, the majority of Africans sought some form of accommodation in the backyards of European and Indian households. Other figures were closer to a third. In , the Mayor of Durban claimed 40, Africans were living in shacks.

Maylam cites a town clerk report that estimates that another eighteen percent was owned by whites, and two percent by Africans. Given the relatively high rents charged by landlords, a family or more often a group of individuals typically crowded into a single room. If these slums had been produced by an insidious combination of urbanization, government neglect, and racial legislation, Indian landowners nonetheless entered the resulting breech and to some extent benefited from the vulnerability and desperate position of Africans.

During the s, Ilanga alleged that An air of powerlessness, even futility, often pervaded African complaints against landlords, particularly before the pogrom. Not only did few other housing options exist. Africans had no legal recourse to dispute the dictates or negligence of their landlords since African presence was often illegal. During the s, the Natal City Council directed owners of over 1, shacks to provide basic services like water and sanitation to their tenants.

In the majority cases, Indian landowners battled these edicts in court, refused to comply, petitioned for the authority to evict the squatters on their premises, and eventually paid fines rather than improve their sites. Eventually, only two of more than seven hundred landowners made any modifications. Nevertheless, the active refusal of these landowners to provide basic amenities undoubtedly reinforced the perception that Indians profited from African suffering.

Despite the genuine intensity of such resentments, a set of more complex relationships developed within the contexts produced by Indian property ownership. Since many Indian landowners provided vacant lots, enterprising Africans would construct multi-room dwellings and sublet accommodations to migrants.

Champion to Mr. Van Aardt. Our building, owned by Indians, was one of the few places where Africans could rent offices in the city. While other Indian Landlords are bad we have a number of Indian gentlemen whose good memories will remain honourable in our minds! See also 86 and During the pogrom, Africans stoned and burned buses. After the pogrom, some bus owners hired Africans to drive the Cato Manor route. Privately owned buses offered the only motorized transportation between African areas and the core of the city.

Although a small number of African operators maintained routes between Durban and outlying districts like Port Shepstone and Inanda, Africans only owned four buses in Durban during the late s. These efforts became an important focus of local African politics the Lamontville Native Advisory Board attempted to ban Indian buses in and the Zulu Royal house took an active part in supporting African petitions. A memorandum to the Riots Commission describes the scene at the conclusion of one Motor Certificates hearing in Port Shepstone:.

There were seven Chiefs present including members of the Zulu Royal Family. Mazibuko from Edendale complained that busservice was irregular and unevenly distributed throughout the day, no timetables existed, high tariffs precluded most residents from utilizing taxis, and routes suffered extreme congestion. However, such efforts were actively resisted by the Bus Owners Association, an Indian body established in In many districts, Indian-owned buses provided the only transport and when Indians applied for new or extended routes, these petitions sometimes found support among Africans desperate for improved service.

Initially, most of these vehicles were wide-bed trucks converted to resemble city buses. Although some companies began to expand and hire fulltime drivers by the late s, most of these ventures were shoestring affairs, owned and operated by individuals, and parked outside of the family home at night. Nevertheless, many working class Africans still found the amount exorbitant and could not afford to travel on them everyday. Buses frequently ran behind their schedules and made impromptu stops to grab passengers walking from African areas into the cities.

As riders fretted about the consequences of arriving late to work, the routine indifference of drivers seemed calculated. Any complaints over service might lead to ejection. Ngcobo interviewed by Rev. Our Rib who happened to be a lady was roughly pushed back. Why does the. This bus rank is an uneven patch of ground without any facilities for passengers or buses. There are, in fact, periods during the day when there is nothing like sufficient standing room for either buses or passengers, and the crowds of waiting passengers are forced to surge into adjacent streets, where buses also have to stand owing to lack of room or order.

There are no loading platforms where buses could be ranged along-side according to their various routes. There are no public conveniences and the lighting is extremely poor. After riders of all races endured this ordeal, the driver would generally board Indian passengers first. Adding insult to this injury, conductors regularly gave passengers incorrect change. Drivers flagrantly ripped-off poorer Indians as well. Indian carry a chopper?

Obviously to hack away at poor Native passengers who object to being defrauded of their change. Fortes and E. In chapter four, I discuss some ways in which rights and responsibilities formerly associated with lineages become generalized to the Zulu people in the context of urbanization and their perceived and actual usurpation by whites and Indians. Occupation of land by a lineage Whites, on the other hand, are one step removed. They live and trade apart from the indigenous population and are protected by a repressive apparatus.

But by attacking patrimony, it also casually negated the very basis on which Zulu society had determined social belonging and, consequently, personhood. The hierarchy of Indian over African that developed in shops, neighborhoods, and buses was both haphazard and brittle. The Indian culprits in the above anecdotes would have been, on the whole, among the poorer and less secure layers: Tamil and Telugu-speaking former indentured laborers. In these cases, the African experience of hierarchy did not reflect social class, differences in legal standing, or In other words, the merchant stereotype was not based solely on the visible wealth of the elite.

This combination of race-based hierarchy and relative equality had significant consequences. In his editorial on the pogrom, H. Now we find we have to serve two masters. Our ancestors fought the Europeans and lost. Zulu writers of the s often celebrated these wars as a process of building national unity, while recognizing the irretrievable nature of this past.

Institute of Race Relations, June , See chapter four. Not only did the majority of Indians and Africans live closer together and enjoy greater social intimacy than either group shared with white South Africans, but Indians had suffered the indignities of conquest, plantation labor, and urban poverty. They lacked even the de facto legitimacy of the foreign conqueror. Africans described similar encounters with Indians in hospitals, bioscopes, Indian-owned hotels, and tearooms. Particularly in the case of bioscopes, African complaints expressed the frustrations of educated youth who aspired to middle class urbanity.

See below for a discussion of the broader cultural importance of cinema for African life in the s. It proposed reserving segregated seats for Africans. Our cloths are made of the very cheapest material. I have never seen the inside of a bioscope, nor have my children. See also Richman K. Mabika interviewed by E. The material basis for most African resentments was located in conflicts over the circulation of commodities and service provision. However, there were also important instances of class antagonism between African labor and Indian employers.

Africans frequently asserted that they would rather work for Europeans than Indians. Naidoo a leading merchant from the town of According to the article, Indian farmers produced ten percent of the total sugar output. Some Indian growers were so poor they did not employ labor, but worked the fields with their families. These casual workers would generally toil from dawn to noon, receiving a light breakfast of black tea or coffee and bread.

But economic pressures also intermixed with chauvinism. Indian market gardeners generally paid African labor half the amount that an Indian would receive. Yet even in these circumstances, social relationships sometimes developed that were far more nuanced and ambiguous than is conveyed by a simplistic narrative of racial antagonism. Market gardeners demanded that Africans perform strenuous labor from dawn to noon for substantially less pay than the Indian standing across the same field, but they also allowed some of their African employees to cultivate their own plots.

Thomas Lightfoot

The Daughters of Africa, an uplift organization concentrated in Durban and Pinetown, petitioned Indian store owners to employ Africans in order to ameliorate racial tensions. Wells and H. Bertha Mkhize and her brother, for example, worked for an Indian tailor on Field Street during the late s before leaving and setting up a successful business at the Native Market.

Ultimately, a set of common spaces neighborhoods, stores, and buses defined the parameters of African-Indian racial dynamics in South African cities before the Group Areas Act. But on an everyday basis, the racial dynamic operated between African migrants and a layer of former indentured laborers who drove buses, worked in shops, and lived in tightly-knit, family based communities among and adjacent to African areas.

The strength of the resulting stereotypes reflected the centrality of such locales to the urbanization process of the s and 40s. Although the forced removals starting in the late s significantly transformed the nature of urban geography, by then these stereotypes had long since entered into African popular culture and the discourse of According to Liz Gunner, African members from the Zionist Church stood guard at Indian homes during the Riots personal communication. Myafethe was an Indian who lived there.

They had broken loose from social organization and became part of an ethnic mythology used to analyze and give shape to reality. Individuals shopped at some of the same stores, rode buses together, worked in the same factories, played football together at lunch, and occasionally lived side-by-side. They joined Christian sects, like the Zionist movement of Isaiah Shembe.

I address this question and the internal racial dynamics of the ANC in the next chapter and chapter 5. As individual relationships, they managed to navigate or, briefly and on a personal terrain, overcome the barriers of community structure, differences in legal and social status, and ambient prejudices that generally prevailed. In their motivation, affections, and social circumstance, they were often singular, contingent, even accidental. Until the first years of the s, African and Indian nationalism in Natal developed within the social landscape described in this chapter.

But these local hierarchies persisted and modulated, at least on some level, virtually everything that transpired in African and Indian political life. Even when political groups managed to transcend the chasm between African and Indian, the resulting cooperation was often relatively small-scale, fragile, and located in particular organizational structures.

These alliances did not significantly transform the social relations that persisted in other urban spaces. As a result of these efforts, African and Indian activists often forged relationships of The whole of South Africa has been shaken by the decisions of that Assembly. The decisions have had international repercussions. The centre of the Indian problem is Durban. In Durban, the Indians like the uprooted, war torn new European settlers are experiencing rebirth. What of the African? Yet the ANC cast a rather odd shadow in the midst of these events. During a period of political ferment and social maelstrom, the ANC remained an organization of a few thousand, elite in African terms and temperamentally isolated from the growing ranks of the working class, Tom Karis and Gwendolyn M.

Carter Stanford: Hover Institute, , Karis, From Protest to Challenge , vol. Given his focus on local and grass roots struggles, Tom Lodge pays more attention to regional variation than any other historian of South African politics. Nevertheless, Lodge treats the question of regionalism empirically, rather than as a significant question that deserves analytical discussion in its own right.

Other important discussions included unity negotiations with the All Africa Convention, the battle over participation in the Native Representative Councils, and broader questions of political strategy. The persistent avoidance of topics like regional fragmentation, anti-Indian racism among leading Congress figures, and the alienation of the ANC from the moods and outlooks of most Africans occurs even in the work of historians who are otherwise quite critical of the organization during this phase.

As a result, Edwards also criticizes Lodge for generalizations about African politics based on organization developments in the ANC that have little effect on working class political life in Durban. In an elegant discussion of the nation as an object of historical analysis, Gyanendra Pandey analyzes the teleology implicit in a similar approach to the Indian anti-colonial struggle:.

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By attributing a natural quality to the particular unity called India, and adopting its official archive as the primary source of historical knowledge, the historian has adopted the view of the established state. Accounts of the anti-apartheid struggle have overwhelmingly followed this framework by the endowing the colonial-derived boundaries of the South The exclusion of Namibia from the overall narrative of the anti-apartheid struggle is especially revealing of an attempt to write history according a nationalist framework that silences the regional dimensions of apartheid and the struggle against it.

African state with virtually a priori status in organizing historical knowledge. For example, most recent surveys of the liberation movement have either reduced the rest of southern Africa to an appendix or simply passed the battle against white supremacy in Namibia, Mozambique, Angola, and Zimbabwe over in silence. Both Natal and the Western Cape frustrate the identification of the anti-apartheid struggle with the cohesion of a unified South African nation. In each case, racial and ethnic cleavages, which were mediated in complex ways by class forces, permeated and shaped day-to-day social interactions, the development of the anti-apartheid movement, and the ANC itself.

However, its main focus is on a relatively minor event, which nevertheless has become quite central to the historical accounts of the ANC. Xuma, Dr. Yosuf Dadoo, and Dr. Xuma of the ANC, Dr. Naicker of the Natal Indian Congress, and Dr. Dadoo of the Transvaal Indian Congress. Printed in Karis, From Protest to Challenge , vol. Hurst and Company, , Citing chauvinist attitudes on both sides, George M. The motives of its proponents within the ANC and Furthermore, the Transvaal ANC leadership and Indian Congresses signed this document in the midst of growing political demoralization among the Indian working class and a growing racial polarization throughout Natal.

Although relatively obvious, this point nevertheless deserves elaboration. It is not enough to juxtapose the specificity of regional politics against a hypostasized idea of the nation. Powerless to arrest the advance of segregationist legislation and devoid of a mass political base, the ANC stagnated through much of the s.

Following the outbreak of the Second World War and the election of Dr. Xuma to its presidency, the Congress experienced the beginnings of a revival. Although legalistic and cautious in his outlook, Xuma pressed for a more assertive ANC statements from the period contain both positions. These expectations shipwrecked against racist campaigning by all the white parties in the lead up to the general elections, lethal repression against African strikes and demonstrations, and renewed police actions after to enforce pass laws which had previously been relaxed.

During the last years of the war, the ANC faced enormous pressure, both internally and externally, to harness this social ferment and craft effective strategies to advance African interests. The leadership of the ANC remained in the hands of individuals who were moderate and in some respects conservative, their outlook shaped by the values of mission Christianity, the rhetoric of Cape liberalism, and Booker T.

Robert R. Pather and A. Kajee, maintained cordial relationships with ANC leaders or donated money to African charities. In , a group of younger Indian activists captured the leadership of the Nataland Transvaal Congresses with overwhelming working class support. They immediately undertook to rebuild the Indian Congresses as mass-based organizations, develop closer We cannot claim anything for ourselves which we deny to others. Laguma, and D. In his autobiography, Nehru states that C.

Interventions by Nehru and other members of the Indian National Congress were instrumental in precipitating the generational shift of the South African Indian against the government.

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In many of their homes, Indian nationalism was a virtual birthright. These activists cherished family connections with the subcontinent and personal memories of Gandhi and Sarojini Naidoo. They followed the progress of the Indian anti-colonial struggle in the pages of newspapers like Indian Views and Indian Opinion.

Several of them, for example Drs. Yosuf Dadoo and Goonam, were exposed to nationalist politics while attending school abroad and traveled in India during the height of the Quit India Movement. While prominent younger leaders such as Dadoo and Monty Naicker frequently spoke of Gandhi in reverential terms, their views were in many ways closer to those of Nehru. Beginning in the late s, Nehru had consistently argued that Indians in Africa must identify their interests with the indigenous majority and abandon their colonial derived privileges in favor of African rule.

Her intervention had a powerful impact on Manilal Gandhi, who then changed the line of Indian Opinion on the question of non-European cooperation. See Meer, A Fortunate Man , In the mids, a small layer of Indians began to join the CPSA in Durban, which at the time was mainly older and white. This group, particularly H. Naidoo and George Ponen, played a central role in the revival of the Natal labor movement, organizing unions of African and Indian workers in industries like sugar, textiles, and dairy.

A few years later, prominent Indians in the Transvaal, such as Dadoo, also began to join the Party. Until its dissolution in , the Communist Party provided its members an unparalleled experience of camaraderie. It was perhaps the one organization in South Africa where members of all races could meet, interact, and debate on equal terms.

As Rehana Ebr. When the Radicals rejected the older politics of individual statesmanship in favor of mass mobilization, they tried to construct a new movement through unifying these disparate and sometimes antagonistic constituencies. Three strategies were central to this undertaking: the Indian Congresses channeled the growing militancy of the newly urbanized working class into protesting restrictions placed on Indians; they worked closely with the Indian middle classes not only for financial reasons, but also because of their Naidoo in Natal organized antiwar protests in African townships and produced both English and Zulu language leaflets defending its arrested leaders.

Indian activists assisted in the Anti-Pass Campaign in , supported the Alexandra bus boycott, and carried out relief work during the African mine workers strike. On the other hand, the agitation of the Radicals helped further consolidate an emerging Indian community nationalism during the s, a growing racial consciousness that appears to have deepened the profound alienation In the mid s, the Hertzog government introduced a new package of segregationist legislation, including the Native Representative Act and the Native Trust and Land Act.

No viable African organization existed to coordinate opposition on a Union-wide scale. NEUM politics in the s focused on two main axes: non-collaboration with state institutions and Non-European unity. Gerhart, 8 and 9 August In The Awakening of a People , I. Tabata wrote:. It is a curious thing that though all the members of this group [i. It eminently suits the master to foster these artificial differences and supposed superiorities. The curious thing is that he has always found no more willing assistants in the game of divide and rule than the slaves themselves, who guard the rigid barriers with an almost religious zeal.

In contrast to the occasional platitudes raised by See Karis, From Protest to Challenge , vol. Javiva and E. Ramsdale to Dr. Xuma, 31 May African and Indian leaders regarding cooperation, the Unity Movement pushed for the immediate formation of federated bodies of Indians and Coloureds affiliated to the AAC. Earlier ANC leaders had occasionally voiced support for some form of agreement between the non-European organizations. In May , the Unity Movement contacted Xuma, requesting that he attend a meeting of its central executive committee to discuss the prospects for Africa politics following the end of the war.

His overriding concern, stressed repeatedly in his half page missive, was to preserve the integrity of the existing national organizations. Emphasizing the urgency of a joint conference, Xuma wrote:. I am suggesting this as a precaution against disruption within our respective groups through individuals and local organizations trying to form unity. There could be only two or three leaders from each as the case may be, to explore ways and means whereby leaders of the three organisations could co-operate on points of common suffering without trying to force artificial unity of the groups.

Xuma to Dr. Dietrich, 10 August By August , Xuma was preoccupied with the conditions for greater cooperation between racial groups and the dangers posed by a polarization over non-European unity within the ANC. We must sympathize with them and not be harsh with whatever attitude they take. Kotane to Dr. Xuma, 14 November Legassick argues that this later turn was prepared by an interpretation of the Native Republic slogan according to the Stalinist scheme of two-stage revolution.

Beginning in the late. Marks, consistently supported common action with the Indian Congresses. Behind this approach to non-European cooperation was a distinctive class politics. Major studies by Frederick Cooper and O. Nigel Boland have emphasized the sharp conflicts between colonial labor movements and nationalist parties in West Africa and the Caribbean. The foremost reason was the considerable influence of the CPSA.

Dadoo argues that Cape AAC conference ignored the ANC, in his view the only legitimate representative of Africans, and that each of the national organization must be strengthened in order to achieve non-European unity. Shortly after the Radicals assumed control of the Indian Congresses, they launched a campaign of passive resistance against the Asiatic Land Tenure and Indian Representation Act of Some Natal ANC leaders warned that Africans could fall behind the other two races and a few articles in Ilanga characterized the Asiatic Act as the partition of Durban between Indians and whites.

But the Numerous articles, some written by Indian activists, debated the meaning of these events in the African press. Second, the Indians, in their hour of need and desperation, remembered the African, and actually appealed to him. Here was a unique opportunity for our leaders to force a bargain with profit to our cause.

See B. At the height of passive resistance, the Indian government brought the treatment of South African Indians before the General Assembly of the United Nations. As the first question moved by an independent India at the UN, the petition attracted enormous international attention. Nevertheless, the Indian delegation utilized the opportunity to launch an unprecedented attack on the overall racial policies of the Union, especially its treatment of Africans. The African papers reported these events with undisguised glee.

What are you doing here? Pandit, Dr. Xuma Address Meeting Honoring S. Heaton Nichols. The impact of these events on African public opinion was tremendous. The two-year campaign failed to achieve concessions from the government and resulted in significant disillusionment among many Indians. The membership of the Congresses initially swelled.

But from the beginning, the Congresses struggled to mobilize the working class, who were The far less affected by the new restrictions than property-owning elements. In addition, the Partition of India and inter-communal violence profoundly damaged the authority of both Nehru and the new Indian government, which had strongly supported the strategy of passive resistance. Transvaal Indian Congress launched a new phase of the campaign in January Xuma rode roughshod over the taboos, tactics and feelings of some local schools of political thought and did and said things that are simply not done in Durban, things for which a local man would be chastised, branded, ostracized.

Although largely implicit, the questions posed by the author were unmistakable. Was Xuma aware of the extent of hostility within Natal to his course? Was he consciously trying to force the Natal ANC in a new direction? Did he fully understand the dangers of the rift developing between him and Champion? In other words, did the ANC president really understand the potential ramifications of his stance for Natal?

The article was an apostrophe, the message in fact addressed to a character somewhere offstage: the National ANC leadership should work to strengthen elements within Natal that shared its viewpoint, pay greater attention to local political conditions, and act far more deliberately. Otherwise, the writer intimated, Xuma was headed for disaster in the province. Note that these sets of minutes differ significantly in the amount of verbatim material they report. The ANC leadership debated its attitude toward the Passive Resistance campaign and its relationship with the Indian Congress at a special meeting of the National Executive in Bloemfontein, early February In the course of the exchange, Lembede and A.

Mda of the Youth League supported the reservations of the Natal Congress, which insisted that it should play a central role in any negotiations. The meeting took place on March 9, in Johannesburg and produced a declaration signed by Dr. It read, in part:. This Joint Meeting between the representatives of the African National Congress and the Natal and Transvaal Indian Congresses, having fully realized the urgency of co-operation between non-European peoples and other democratic forces for the attainment of basic democratic rights and full citizenship for all sections of the South African people, has resolved that a Joint Declaration of co-operation is imperative for the working out of a practical basis of co-operation between the National Organisations of the non-European peoples.

Nowhere did the agreement reference Dr. The Pact announced a relatively straightforward program of bourgeois democratic demands: the achievement of universal franchise; state recognition of Trade Unions; the removal of land restrictions and the provision of adequate housing; free compulsory education; abolition of laws restricting movement; and the elimination of all discriminatory legislation. Regarding strategy, it called for a campaign that would compel the Union Government to implement the UN resolution and adhere to the principles of the UN Charter, but the text provided no concrete direction and completely failed to specify the nature or duration of the proposed action.

Dadoo invited Xuma to sttend both informal gathering to discuss current development, send speakers to mass meetings held at Gandhi hall, and sent him copies of petitions to the government. See Dr. Dadoo to Dr. Xuma, 28 February The vocabulary of multi-racialism or non-European unity was decidedly absent and the organizational measures proposed were limited. Different motivations guided the hands of the signatories. Contemptuously dismissing the U. In public Dadoo and his African satellites once preached in Johannesburg in their Non-European United Front, is nothing but glib nonsense.

In reality, the Pact was stillborn. In retrospect, the Pact may be deemed as having been premature. The initial drive against the Xuma-Dadoo-Naicker Pact was spearheaded by the Zulu petite bourgeoisie, exemplified by such men as Champion and Msimang. Champion, Msimang, and others served as members of the government-appointed Native Representative councils, sat on the advisory boards of hospitals and local charities, and cultivated intimate relationships with the Zulu Royal house. In her seminal book The Ambiguities of Dependence , Shula Marks describes the perpetual vacillation of the urban Zulu leadership between declarations of plebian radicalism and servility, alternately dawning masks of defiance and deference in relation to an awesomely powerful state.

In the first instance, this relationship took the form of competition between aspirant Zulu and an established layer of Indian shop owners, bus drivers, and merchants. The Indian exploiter was a ubiquitous trope in the proclamations of urban Zulu businessmen during the s, who particularly resented what they perceived as a double standard: Indian businesses relied heavily on African patronage, but Indians refused to buy from Africans.

For many Africans, and particularly for a small number of more established business and political figures, their interactions with the Natal Indian community were substantially more complex. Almost every aspect of their economic and social lives interpenetrated in some fashion with the world of the Indian petite bourgeoisie.

Individuals like Champion consulted Indian medical specialists and lawyers, negotiated with Indian creditors or wholesalers, established sometimes clandestine businesses with Indian partners, used the services of Indian printers, held their events at Indian-owned theaters and conference halls, paid rent to the Indian landlords willing to provide them with office space, and sometimes developed close relationships with their Indian social peers. In actively manipulating the animosities between African and Indian workers, the African petite bourgeoisie employed an instrumental threat of racial violence based in part on a particular construction of the Zulu as a bloodstained and savage warrior in order to put pressure on both the Indian elite and the Natal colonial state.

Being Zulu, Past and Present , eds. Xuma to A. Champion, 22 January Champion to A. Letters between Xuma and Champion in the months before the Pact provide some insight into the tortuous negotiations and posturing of the African leadership. In early January , Xuma requested a personal meeting with Champion then president of the Natal province to discuss recent developments in the Congress.

I am now embarrassed in that when I arrived the Indians here wanted to give me a banquet but I declined and suggested that they should wait until Rustomjee arrives. In fact, I hated for them to do something while the Africans were silent. As equally embarrassing as it is I must accept as we must co-operate with them in our own interest and for what the Delegation from India did at the UNO [United nations Organization] for us. As their later correspondence shows, this complicated dance between cooperation with Indians and the potential resentments of Africans continued after the Pact.

Champion to H. Selby Msimang. The situation was serious enough that Champion apparently called a special meeting of African leaders at the Zulu royal kraal. There are also reports of dissatisfaction throughout the Natal ANC branches. The Natal ANC leadership justified its opposition by pointing to the outrage of African public opinion.

With characteristic bravado, Champion challenged the national working committee to travel to Natal and see the reaction for themselves. Champion, 19 April Selby Msimang, 17 June Selby Msimang to James A. Calacta, 30 June Xuma dug in. Calata wrote:. Please allow me to plead with your Congress not to kick too hard so as to give UNO the impression that we are divided. The Indians helped us at the UNO last year and we still need their help even this year. By that I do not mean that no mistake has been made.

Transvaal to my knowledge is not complaining and I want to ask Natal also to put their case tactfully. Champion letter draft [to A. According to Elinor Sisulu, Lembede surprised his Youth League colleagues by enthusiastically supporting the agreement, but his death shortly after its signing renders his actual position an open question. Instead of opposing the agreement outright, this piece sought to highlight those aspects of the document that distinguished it from either the politics of the Unity Movement or the Communist Party.

Like some other Youth League statements from this period, this letter included a strained and self-negating attempt to overcome the popular anti-Indian The importance placed on the divisions among Indians reflected a central assumption of Youth League thinking. YL members believed that a meaningful agreement could only be effected on the basis of a clear understanding between the African and Indian peoples as united groups.

According to this perspective, divisions among both Indians and Africans mitigated against any permanent alliance at this time. However, a significant difference existed in the rhetoric of the Natal and Transvaal leaderships. In the years following the Passive Resistance struggle, the two foremost leaders of the Natal branch, H. Dhlomo and Jordan Ngubane, began to motivate the importance of cooperation with the NIC in their newspapers. Dhlomo spoke on behalf of the ANC at the demonstration that launched the Passive Resistance movement and wrote a series of articles Reproduced in Freedom in Our Lifetime , First, Africans needed to build unity amongthemselves.

Second, Indian merchants had to make significant economic concessions in ordeto resolve the social conflicts produced by their exploitation of Africans. But this occasional co-operation can only take place between Africans as a single unit and other non-Europeans as separate units. Lembede possessed an uncritical, even romantic appreciation of the Indian independence struggle. For any subject country national freedom must be the first However, they did not come to Africa as exploiters and conquerors; they came as the exploited.

They have their own motherland, India, but thousands have made South Africa their. This rhetorical device rendered anything but the most circumscribed forms of collaboration dangerous to the national liberation struggle. Either Indians participated in African politics in order to further personal economic interests or Indian organizations necessarily diluted African nationalism to protect their minority racial privileges. His polemics against Marxism did not explicitly address the question of national minorities.

Mda began to distance itself from his more extreme formulations and adopt the rhetoric developed earlier in Natal. The oppressed Coloured and Indian national minorities are in a way, our brothers and sisters in national oppression. Thus any effort to weaken national unity will inevitably weaken non-European unity. Other Youth League members, for example Ngubane, genuinely worried that popular anti-Indian prejudice was too strong to impose cooperation from above; the situation appeared to necessitate a more considered and gradualist approach.

Critically, those like Ngubane believed that African unity would allow the ANC to pursue cooperation from a position of strength: Indian merchants had to make substantial and visible sacrifices to advance African economic interests and only a united and powerful African movement would inspire such a gesture of goodwill. Otherwise, political cooperation would simply camouflage the ongoing economic humiliations faced by Africans. In a resolution later Nkopo to Dr. Xuma, 13 August We have also felt that the president has forsaken our cause by going to the press without calling the League, for information.

They warned:. In the Transvaal, a new and highly infectious animal has been born. It is called the Convention[. Dadoo, Mr. Sam Khan, have, by an admittedly unholy government measure been prohibited to address public meetings. We are not told that the Indians are in danger of repatriation by the nationalist government, or alternatively segregated by the white bosses in the cities and residential areas, facts which readily explain the high birth-rate of prophets and izangomas among Communists and Indians, and all for the sake of the age-long segregated and speechless African.

This passage criticized Indian leaders for disingenuously claiming to protest an admittedly unholy government injunction while in reality opposing their own deportation and sectional discrimination. Whatever the Indian might say, in other words, he perforce manipulated the The opposition of African to Indian interests was so complete, so a priori, that their political aspirations were simply assumed to be mutually exclusive.

The reference to prophets and izangoma the Zulu word for healers was a sardonic rebuke aimed at those Africans who would trust a figure like Dadoo. It implied that they behaved like unlettered savages by accepting the promises of false religions and counterfeit medicines. The leaflet concluded by lashing out at ANC leaders who justified cooperation on the basis of political expediency:. What is the basis of this pact? What are the terms of this pact? Africans offer their sweated labor and the strength their numbers give.

What is the whole Indian community represented by the T. What are the details? Your prophets cannot answer this question. The answer for them is given by us. There are no terms; there are no details. But our contention is, it is the African who has become now, as in the past, the Devil of the Prophets. The African is not riding. He is ridden on. By the end of the s, a significant realignment had taken place between the ANC and the Indian Congresses.

Confronted with the complete failure of legalistic appeals to extract concessions from the government, the Transvaal-based ANC leadership began to The agreement was a confused and irresolute culmination of the foregoing political period, not the tocsin of a radically new era. It was, in effect, stillborn. As public statements by Champion and Msimang show, the Natal ANC leadership did not oppose all forms of cooperation with the Indian Congress in principle.

However, their position was significantly complicated by both their highly ambivalent relationship with the Indian elite, their own prejudices, and popular anti-Indian sentiment among African migrants, petty traders, and urbanized workers. In the Transvaal ANC Youth League, the opposition to collaboration was more directly ideological and centered on the ostensible danger that foreign elements posed to the development of a powerful, mass-based African nationalism. The accompanying debates over cooperation and unity largely remained the provenance of a few thousand members of the ANC and several thousand more readers of African and Indian newspapers.

In all likelihood, such disputes also influenced popular ideas through the grapevine of rumor, gossip on buses, political rallies, and discussions in beer halls and shebeens. But the increasingly bitter polarization over non-European cooperation was remote from the immediate concerns of most Africans and Indians. The anticlimactic demise of the Passive Resistance Campaign in and the sharp divisions within Indian politics strengthened a growing demoralization, especially among the organized Indian workers who had suffered a series of defeats in Natal throughout the early s.

Today world events profoundly affect the home politics of each and every nation. We would pray and thank God for the 14 th , the day when the Indian Riots started. When the Riots started, God, you knew what you were doing on that day. That lightening that struck that day made Africans think differently from the way that they had been thinking. Some started working by selling potatoes. Others sold food and changed their characters. If we die, keep these things. Day after day I slept on the sickbed fearing the worse by night.

After about a week the Indians returned and found their belongings intact. I was a relieved and very happy man when they took their things out of my house and saved me from possible attacks by my people. On the 13th of January , a clash between and an Indian shopkeeper and an African youth escalated into a melee between crowds of Indians and Africans in the Grey Street area. After word of the battle spread overnight, African workers from local hostels and groups of shantytown dwellers in areas like Cato Manor organized to retaliate the next day, Groups of Africans humiliated, beat, and killed Indian men and raped Indian women; after most Indians had fled, they turned their rage against Indian-owned stores and houses.

Many Africans who worked for Indians fled the carnage, afraid for their own safety; other Africans helped shield Indians from vengeful mobs. Indian men, sometimes armed with guns, retaliated when they found opportunity. At the end of the two-day pogrom, South Africa police and Navy forces suppressed the rioters with heavy weapons fire, killing dozens more. The year itself has become iconic in Natal and throughout South Africa. In , members of the Kwa-Zulu Natal legislature made threatening references to after Fatima Meer suggested that the true leaders of blacks were imprisoned on Robben Island, not running the Bantustans.

First, Edwards follows an Indian leftist analysis that attributes African resentments primarily to the actions of the petit bourgeois elite. As I argue in chapter one, African resentments were, in large part, a result in of their interactions with a much poorer, less elite layer of Indians like bus drivers and shop keepers. As a result, he both tends to homogenize African responses and underplay the coexistence and interpenetration of Indians and Africans that existed before the pogrom.

Champion a Black South African , ed. Swanson, trans. Dahle Pietermaritzburg: University of Natal Press, , Another version of these events which became central to an ideology of Zulu plebeian nationalism that consolidated in the s describes the riots as a battle for the liberation of the city against the foreign and exploitative Indian.

Bonner Johannesburg: University of the Witwatersrand, The main problem with this analysis is that it substantially overstates the efficacy and stability of an existing racial hierarchy at the municipal and provincial level and, therefore, endows racial groups with more sociological and political homogeneity than they possessed during the same period. Although a significant literature exists on the pogrom, most of it remains in the form of unpublished theses.

They included: 1 ostensible instigation by the state and white media; 2 the surrogate targeting of Indians for broader African grievances; and 3 resentment produced by the racial Exploring the discourses in which these claims were embedded, this chapter will examine them primarily within the intellectual and political context of the late s. The election of the Nationalist government in did not, at first, significantly transform racial dynamics in Natal.

The chapter then concludes with an analysis of the profound crisis in the Natal ANC following the riots and the backlash against cooperation with the Indian Congresses among Durban Africans. This disillusionment, combined with the growing political and economic power of the Zulu cooperative movement in the shanty towns, would shape Durban African politics for the decade to come. The experience of food rationing and blackouts made the events transpiring on other continents tangible in the rhythms of daily life. Perhaps even more importantly, these articles self-consciously promoted the emergence of nationalist consciousness by encouraging Africans to conceive of themselves as potential members an emerging international order, a community of sovereign nations in part defined by its collective interest in the shared arena of world affairs.

It was in part through and in relation to broader international developments and a new idea of the global that intellectuals defined, articulated, and located an idea of nation within an emerging world order. See Rebecca E. For a broader overview that situates the near simultaneous development of nationalism within both Europe and Asia within the broader context of 19th century imperialism, see C. African nationalism promoted a greater degree of international awareness, particularly concerning political changes elsewhere in Africa and throughout the colonial world.

Christian missionaries working on reservations and the federal government both viewed the success of the Ghost Dance as a sign of failure and danger. The Ghost Dance movement spread and ended swiftly. On December 29, , U. The troops opened fire on a community of Ghost Dance followers, killing over two hundred men, women, and children. Many abandoned the Ghost Dance afterward.

We will not talk more about it. White Protestant missionaries evangelized abroad as well as out west. Northern and southern whites each claimed that God supported their cause and demonized each other before the Civil War. Immediately following the war, many northerners supported racial justice, black leaders, and racial uplift in religious terms, just as southern whites employed religion in supporting the Ku Klux Klan and, later, Jim Crow legislation enacting racial segregation. The popular revivals of Dwight Moody also brought white northern and southern Protestants back together under a common banner.

The power of whiteness was found elsewhere too, even in places dedicated to cultural diversity. In his opening remarks, event organizer C. Imperialism at home meant keeping a certain type of American under control and denying authority to those who did not fit the mold. Political organizations formed to keep Catholics out of power included the American or Know-Nothing Party in the s and the American Protective Association in the late s.

Ignatius Loyola to rise up in arms and kill their Protestant neighbors as a precursor to a Vatican invasion of the country. Though fictitious, many Protestants saw it as containing some truth. Jewish immigration in the late 19th and early 20th centuries led to an increase in anti-Semitism in America.

White vigilantes labeled all three as dangerous others, but the law primarily focused on one of those three: American blacks. For the most part, Jim and Jane Crow laws focused on physical segregation and voting. Segregation laws banned interracial marriages and kept Americans of different races separate in public spaces, public services, schools, and more.

Segregation laws in western states often expanded restrictions against other races. Literacy tests, which required voters to pass an exam in order to vote, were a common means of restricting black voters in the South. White Christianity was part of the muscle behind segregation. White southerners continued to call for the integrity of the white sacred order. Their slave-owning ancestors had argued that God takes care of humanity in the same way that they took care of their slaves.

After the Civil War, Southern racists argued that God ordained the separation of the races and had given them different languages. In a nation and society ripe with legal and social racial segregation, African American churches and homes offered powerful social and religious spaces where African Americans could have control over their daily lives.

The effective local and national racial segregation of many Christian denominations before and after the Civil War almost ironically created black churches and denominations where African Americans had authority to advance their own spiritual growth and civic engagement. They became social hubs where black social clubs could meet and organize events.

It then comes as no surprise that black churches became key centers in the protest for civil rights. Black Catholics had been advocating for equal political and religious rights since the 19th century. The first meeting of five Black Catholic Congresses, organized in large part by former slave and lay Catholic Daniel Rudd in , evidenced the desire of black Catholics to have more active voices in their churches.

The Moorish Science Temple, also originating in the s, offered a new religious and racial identity for black Americans: Moorish and Muslim. Ali taught that a return to Islam and a recognition of their true ethnic and racial identity Moorish, which Ali associated with Morocco would help followers find real salvation. Black churches brought together theological innovation and social critique. Prophetic religion is not a uniquely black church phenomenon, but it was particularly successful there. The old Hebrew prophets were social critics who spoke out about the corruption they saw around them.

Thus, prophetic religion does the same. It critiques the current social authorities in power, identifies the corruption in the world, and includes a call for action. The world is corrupt, but it does not have to be. People can change it if they have the courage to do so. Prophetic religion instructs listeners to not be passive bystanders.

Speaking frequently from a perspective of prophetic religion was Martin Luther King Jr. King and the rest of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference advocated nonviolent protests. He and others—including his fellow clergymen, Ralph Abernathy and Fred Shuttlesworth, and many African American grassroots organizations—planned nonviolent protest campaigns across the South, leading to the Birmingham Campaign and the Selma-to-Montgomery march.

Black Christians were not alone in their critique of white supremacy. A charismatic and captivating speaker, Malcolm X eclipsed Elijah Muhammad in popularity. Calls for black power were sometimes critical of what proponents called a blind focus on racial integration; others saw the two as working together; and some called for racial separatism.

For many, the black power movement was about uplifting the social and political identity of African Americans. Calls for red power and Native rights also arose in the s. In , a new U. Immigration Act seriously curtailed immigration by establishing immigrant quotas based on the census. The effect was dramatic, especially in terms of religion. Immigration from northern and western Europe could continue flowing easily, but immigration from eastern Europe, the Middle East, and eastern Asia such as China became substantially constricted.

The restrictions on southern and eastern European immigration slowed the arrival of Jews and Catholics, and the restriction on immigration from Asia drastically curtailed the incoming movement of Muslims, Buddhists, Hindus, and others. The constraints were not lifted until , when President Lyndon B. Johnson signed a new Immigration and Naturalization Act at the foot of the Statue of Liberty that abolished previous restrictions and brought anew an influx of religious, racial, and ethnic diversity across the next half-century.

If these ethnic religions included Catholicism and Judaism, whose practice was tolerated but scarcely always embraced, or practices of bhakti yoga, home puja, and karma yoga by Hindu immigrants after , it also included religions that led to exclusion and even imprisonment. Export religions were often fairly new sects but were grounded in older traditions and reversed traditional negative relations between race and religion. Transcendental Meditation and the International Society of Krishna Consciousness often appealed to white Americans taken with the Asian origins that repelled other American whites.

Immigrants from Mexico reflecting distinctive Latinx rather than western or eastern European Catholic practices occupy a special place in understanding relations between race and religion. Many Catholic communities in the American Southwest emphasize visual and material ritual practices. Many brought a rich practice of Catholicism and active ministries that 20th-century Hispanic immigration in the Southwest and beyond have expanded through bilingual clergy and Spanish language masses.

This Latinx Catholicism has long provided a hub of grassroots activism, benevolent aid to parishioners and the larger community, and centers for civil rights organizing. The latter has been necessitated by frequent xenophobic response to Latinx immigration, both legal and illegal. Just as Muslims are not new to America, neither are negative views of Islam. Following the New York City terrorist attacks of September 11, , some citizens targeted anyone perceived to be Muslim based on appearance and presumed racial identity.

For example, Balbir Singh Sodhi, a Sikh American and owner of a gas station in Arizona, was murdered in by a man who believed he was a Muslim and a terrorist. In , five men and one woman were murdered at a Sikh temple in Wisconsin by a white supremacist whose hatreds fused religion with race. Seemingly so different, religion and race have found themselves powerfully linked in American history, most often and certainly most devastatingly in negative ways. Their precise associations have shifted over time, yet their broad association have shown little decrease from the days of the early republic to the early 21st century.

Although American religious history has a long and lively historiography, work that directly engages race as a category of analysis is relatively new. Historians of American religion began to take Native Studies and Indigenous Studies seriously in the late 20th century. Vine Deloria Jr. More significant though is postcolonial theory.

Stories of American religion are more attentive to the experiences of the marginalized, the subaltern, and the oppressed.

Apartheid and Racism

In the case of African American religious history and Native American religious history, both the historical actors and the historiography assumed these subjects had race. Their non-whiteness was palpable and a significant part of their story in ways that did not seem to affect white Americans. That their race was a burden was a major shaper of their religious beliefs and practices. Though whites are the dominant social and political actors in American history, studies of white American religion with race as the foremost rubric of analysis are relatively rare.

Inattention to the construction and work of whiteness in American religion has enabled this unspoken assumption that race only shapes the experiences of people of color. These studies follow the experiences of one or more religious groups in conversation with larger conversations about race, in terms of critical race theory, interactions with other communities, dynamics of power and politics, immigration, another facet of identity such as gender , or some combination of these.

Numerous works on religion and 20th- and 21st-century immigration have further clarified the power of whiteness in American religion, as well as resistance to it. Every collection of primary sources on American religion is inherently about religion and race, and thus there are far more resources available to those interested in religion and race in American history than can be cataloged here. Many of its sources highlight the intersections of religion, whites, and blacks in the South. Of particular interest may be the collection of slave narratives.

The Jesuit Relations offers detailed descriptions of Native American religious practice and belief, though through the eyes of Jesuit priests. A number of universities and missionary societies also possess archives with rich collections pertaining to Native American religions, such as Marquette University or Jesuit universities that house Jesuit archives e. For religion and racism, American periodicals are a rich resource. The Library of Congress possesses a wide array of political cartoons and other prints that illustrate religious and racial intolerance. The resources at the American Jewish Historical Society are a wonderful repository of primary sources on American Jewish history and life. Jared Farmer, Mormons in the Media, — ebook, The Jesuit Relations , Creighton University. Blum, Edward J. Find this resource:. Botham, Fay, and Sara M. Patterson, eds. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, Chappell, David L.

Clarke, Erskine. Dwelling Place: A Plantation Epic. Curtis, Edward E. Muslims in America: A Short History. New York: Oxford University Press, Evans, Curtis. The Burden of Black Religion. Goetz, Rebecca. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, Goldschmidt, Henry, and Elizabeth McAlister, eds. Race, Nation, and Religion in the Americas. Goldstein, Eric L.

Harvey, Paul. Harvey, Paul, and Kathryn Gin Lum, eds. New York: Oxford University Press, forthcoming. Iwamura, Jane. Johnson, Sylvester. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, McGreevy, John T. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, Paddison, Joshua. Berkeley: University of California Press, Prentiss, Craig R.

Silverman, David. Smoak, Gregory. Wilson, Jeff.

Jonathan Z. Mark C. Taylor Chicago: University of Chicago Press, , Sylviane A. Stephen R. Edward J. Jay P. Jared Farmer, Mormons in the Media, — , ebook For section of Mormons and whiteness, see pages 63— Nott and G. George M. Josiah C. Daniel W. Government Printing Office, , cixvii. Richard H. Survey Course on the Web. This message led some communities to call for Native nativism. Government Printing Office, , Cara L. Jon Butler. Chicago: Parliament Publishing, Donald L. William E. Gary B. David L. Martin Luther King Jr.

The statement was published as a full-page advertisement. Fay Botham and Sara M.